You may have heard there's a big statewide election here in Wisconsin on Tuesday. God knows it's hard to avoid in these parts if you watch any TV with commericals (outside of Brewers games on the FanDuel TV app, which is a nice respite), or if you're reading any Wisconsin-based newspaper.
I wanted to examine the results some previous statewide races for both Supreme Court and in statewide races that Republicans won by 1% in November 2022 and 2024, so we can get an idea what benchmarks to look for as the votes come in on Tuesday night. These races include:
The last 3 Wisconsin Supreme Court races. These races were held in April of 2019, 2020 and 2023. Conservative Brian Hagedorn won the 2019 race by less than 1%, while Dem-backed Jill Karofsky and Janet Protasiewicz won the 2020 and 2023 races by double digits each. I will also look at WisGOP Ron Johnson's win in 2022 by 1% in the US Senate race, and Donald Trump's 0.9% win in the 2024 presidential race here.
As usual, I will look at two dimensions of the election results - the amount of Wisconsin's vote share based on where votes are cast, and how much better or worse Dems or Republicans did in those areas across the various elections.
I'll start with voter turnout, which was larger in each of the last 3 Supreme Court elections, with 2023's election to decide the balance of power having total votes go up by more than 50% compared to 2019's election.
Total votes Wisconsin Supreme Court elections
2019 Wis Supreme Court 1,207,569 total votes
2020 Wis Supreme Court 1,549,697 total votes
2023 Wis Supreme Court 1,843,480 total votes
Are we making it to 2 million total votes this time? More?
Obviously who votes, and where the votes are coming from are important when analyzing things. I tend to break down Wisconsin into 7 different regions when it comes to voting results.
1. The City of Milwaukee
2. Milwaukee County outside of the City of Milwaukee
3. The WOW Counties of Waukesha, Ozaukee and Washington in the Milwaukee suburbs
4. Dane County (Madison and surrounding suburbs)
5. The BOW Counties of Brown, Outagamie and Winnebago in northeastern Wisconsin
6. The combined totals from Racine and Kenosha Counties in the SE corner of the state
7. Everywhere else in Wisconsin
As you will see, in all of these statewide elections, slightly more than half of the state's votes come from the first 6 mostly urban areas, and somewhere between 45-47% votes tend to come from the rest of the state.
You'll see that the outstate votes take up a bit more of a share of the November electorate than it has in the last 3 April elections, and so does the City of Milwaukee, while the higher-turnout areas of Dane County and the WOW Counties combine for 26-28% of the Wisconsin electorate in April, but only have made up 23-24% of the electorate in November.
This may not seem like a big difference to you, but in a state where the last 2 presidential races and the last 2 US Senate races have been decided by 1% or less, any movement of 1-2% could be a deciding factor. For example, if people in these areas voted Dem vs GOP in the same rates that they did in November 2024, but the turnout shares were the same as April 2023,
Kamala Harris would have beaten Donald Trump 49.33% to 49.03% in Wisconsin, instead of Trump winning the state 49.60% to 48.74%.
This helps explain why Brad Schimel is allowing Elon Musk and the rest of the GOPs that want to flip the Court to be as bro-ey and as awful as they've acted. They need the votes of
low-info and mis-info'd dipshits low-propensity voters that have voted for Trump and Johnson in November elections, but aren't as likely to vote in an April election.
The outstate voting results in Wisconsin are interesting to look at for another reason, as the Dem-supported candidates have done better there in the Wisconsin Supreme Court races (including 2019 loser Lisa Neubauer, who got 45.5% of outstate votes) than the 41-42% numbers that Mandela Barnes and Kamala Harris pulled in the last two November elections. Maybe race factors in here (Crawford is a white woman, like Neubauer, Karofsky and Protasiewicz are, and Harris and Barnes are not white), or maybe it's an April-November thing, but it's an interesting difference.
However, Neubauer did not better than Barns and Harris in Racine/Kenosha and the BOW Counties in her 2019 loss to Hagedorn, while Karofsky and Protasiewicz exceeded 50% in both of those areas in their double-digit victories.
So on Election Night, if Susan Crawford is winning in the BOW Counties and is at or near 50% in Racine and Kenosha, she's not just likely to win, but the race may be called rather early for her. Likewise, if Schimel is comfortably ahead in the BOW and Racine/Kenosha, and he is rolling up sizable margins outstate, that would put him in a strong position.
There's also been a noticeable trend in the state's 2 largest metro areas - Milwaukee and Madison. Dane County and the City of Milwaukee are strongly blue, giving between 75% and 81% of their votes for the Democratic-supported candidates in these 5 elections. But Trump did make some percentage gains in Dane County in November 2024,
mostly with college bros, and that kept him from getting as destroyed in Dane like other GOP candidates had in recent elections (although Dane County's larger vote share still gave Harris a larger margin than Biden had vs Trump in 2020).
That Dane County shift for 2024 also helps explain this report that I've seen.
(Side note - If you know of anyone that's trying this, feel free to drop Wisconsin AG Josh Kaul and the Wisconsin DOJ a line at 608-266-1221, and give the local DA a jingle as well.)
We'll see if the "bro strategy" works like it did last November for WisGOP. But if abortion is a central issue to voter turnout on UW campuses in both Madison and statewide, that's advantage Crawford, as I can attest that around 3/4 of the votes at the Madison campus location I worked at in the April election came from college-aged women, and Judge Janet dominated there as well as the rest of the Madison area. You'll also see that Protasiewicz did extremely well in the Milwaukee County suburbs, grabbing nearly 65% of the vote. And as we saw above, the Milwaukee County burbs usually account for more votes than the City does in April elections, so that's a double boost for Dems if they can rebund at or near that 65% level on Tuesday.
Maybe that strong result in the Milwaukee County burbs was related to now-Justice Janet being a Milwaukee County judge at the time, or because it was less than a year after the
Dobbs decision, and a more-educated people in the burbs weren't going to let Wisconsin's 1849 abortion ban stay around. Will the same suburban swing hold in April 2025, especially after Trump used trans rights as a wedge issue (and Schimel and his allies are trying some similar "you vs them" BS today)? Good question.
Lastly, we have the vote-rich WOW Counties, where Republicans used to run up the score in November elections until the Trump era, and even did so in state elections through the end of the 2010s, as the main reason Hagedorn snuck out a win over Neubauer in the 2019 Supreme Court election was because he pulled nearly 70% from WOW. But while Republicans still get the majority of the votes from the WOW Counties these days, Dems have made steady progress in shrinking the deficits.
As noted on the turnout part, WOW tends to have a larger share of the statewide vote in April elections than in November ones, and Schimel being from Waukesha County makes for an interesting wild card here. If he gets some kind of hometown boost, that could have a significant payoff in the final results.
The flip side of that is a lot of the Trump 2.0 Resistance seems to be coming from the burbs, and the WOW Counties have been slanting towards Dems in the Trump era. In fact, it was the one area of the state that Harris did better in 2024 than Biden did in 2020. Schimel tying himself to Musk and Trump could be a loser here, especially as Trump's approval rating deteriorates and more people would rather see the state Supreme Court protect Wisconsinites from Trump and Musk instead of acting as a protection racket for those 2 and their donors.
I'm not in the mood for predictions here, not after last November and not when there is a different electorate than what we have in November elections. But I do hope this helps you ID the trends and the numbers to look for, to see if Schimel or Crawford are hitting their marks, and if we get a result that is more like the Dem blowouts of 2020 and 2023, or the down-to-the-wire close GOP wins of April 2019, and November 2022 and November 2024.